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Protest outside the Hungarian parliament in Budapest against a new law that would undermine the Central European University, a graduate school of social sciences founded by George Soros. Photograph: Laszlo Balogh/Reuters

Tibor Fischer can describe the current state of democracy in Hungary any way he wishes, but he should not be allowed to get away with the assertion that the Central European University has failed to comply with the law (I just dont recognise Orbn as a tyrant, 21 April). For 25 years CEU has worked cooperatively with Hungarian authorities on every issue involving our work here. Our compliance with Hungarian accreditation procedures has been repeatedly confirmed by Hungarian officials and civil servants in the ministries concerned.

We have never sought special privileges that set us apart from the rest of Hungarian academic life. On the contrary, in our fight to defend our academic freedom, many Hungarian institutions, including the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, have given us their public support.

Fischer alleges that there is something irregular about offering American degrees in Hungary if CEU doesnt have a campus in the United States. In fact, CEU is one of more than two dozen American institutions that are authorised to offer American degrees overseas without operating a campus in the US. Mr Fischer is entitled to his opinions, but not to misstating the facts. Michael Ignatieff President, Central European University

Tibor Fischer is correct that media discussion of the Fidesz regime in Hungary would be better informed if more people spoke Hungarian. For readers who do not, Iwould suggest va Baloghs Hungarian Spectrum blog, and Kim Lane Scheppeles forensic analyses of Viktor Orbns constitutional coup in the academic literature, and her account of changes introduced to electoral rules to facilitate his re-election in her contribution to Paul Krugmans blog in the New York Times.

For a Hungarian opposition perspective, two recent publications by Blint Magyar are of interest: his Post-Communist Mafia State and Twenty-Five Sides of a Post-Communist Mafia State, a collection of essays coedited with Jlia Vsrhelyi (both CEU Press). The government perspective on the mafia state, however, is that creating a national bourgeoisie to counterbalance the power of multinationals, Brussels and George Soros is more important than corruption.

Fischer is also correct that there is plenty of critical discussion on TV and radio in Budapest, but opposition platforms keep disappearing, opposition TV and radio is harder to access the further one is from Budapest, and, increasingly, effective opposition comes from Jobbik on the right rather than from parties committed to liberalism or social democracy.

Antisemitism in Fidesz Hungary is heavily coded. To appreciate it fully, you not only have to speak Hungarian but be familiar with Hungarian history: which dates are celebrated, which interwar politicians resurrected as national heroes. Nigel Swain University of Liverpool

As a keen reader of his novels, I was disappointed with Tibor Fischers article. I disagree to varying degrees with all points he raises.

Let me pick out his final point on the so-called Lex CEU, which repeats the government line faithfully, and makes no sense. As both the Hungarian educational authorities and CEU have stated repeatedly, CEU previously fulfilled all Hungarian legal requirements. To my knowledge, the irregularities that were now supposedly found were never specified. Fischer mentions sloppy paperwork; I would like to see his source. If it were but a matter of 27 of 28 foreign universities in Hungary complying with existing legislation, there would be no reason to rush a bill through parliament in an emergency procedure.

This new law makes new requirements, such as the operation of a campus in the country of origin, that would effectively make it impossible for CEU to operate in Hungary. This is what the protests are about (Report, 13 April).

This not only an issue of CEU. What is at stake is the Hungarian governments power to push out an influential university because it doesnt adhere to its political ideology. And thats both an issue of academic freedom and of plurality of opinions, ie democracy. Dr Felix Jeschke Prague, Czech Republic

To claim that Orbn isnt an enemy of democracy omits his assault on civil society. Orbn intends to extrude critical NGOs in 2017 and target their foreign funding. Fischer says people living west of Vienna dont understand whats happening in Hungary, but tens of thousands of people who rallied in Budapest against the closure of the CEU certainly do, and see the attack on the university for what it is: an attempt to shut down academic freedom and critical thinking.

Fischer says Orbns illiberal democracy is still a democracy because it has elections. But European freedoms are about much more than holding regular votes they also require encouraging robust and critical civil society institutions, not smothering them. International human rights organisations know how to spot an authoritarian regime in the making. Orbn and his apologists can call whats happening in Hungary what they like, but if it looks and swims and quacks like a government undermining democracy, it probably is. Brian Dooley Senior adviser, Human Rights First

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Democracy and academic freedom in Viktor Orbn's Hungary - The Guardian